U.S, Niger disagree on what happened on fatal mission
A month after an
Islamist ambush in Niger killed eight U.S. and Nigerien troops, the two sides’
officials still cannot agree on the sequence of events leading to the incident.
Four soldiers from each
nation were killed when a joint patrol was attacked on Oct. 4 by dozens of
militants with machine guns and rocket-propelled grenades.
The incident drew
attention to the little-known U.S. military presence in Niger at a time when
many Americans are weary of U.S. involvement in conflicts abroad and Nigeriens
are chafing at the growing presence of foreign troops on their soil.
The U.S. has 800
soldiers operating in the largely desert West African nation, more than France,
which has 4,000 in the wider Sahel trying to tackle Islamist militancy.
The main U.S. base in
Africa is in Djibouti, which supports about 4,000 personnel.
A Pentagon
investigation into the incident, led by a two-star general from U.S. Africa
Command, may take weeks.
The Pentagon says it
has not settled on any final version of events.
Through interviews in
Niger’s capital Niamey and Washington, Reuters has tried to piece together the
events of Oct. 3 to Oct. 6, when the last U.S. soldier’s body was recovered.
Accounts by Nigerien
and American officials differ over the mission’s objectives, and whether and
how they may have changed.
The one consistent
thread is that they appear to have been woefully unprepared for their enemy.
U.S. and Niger
officials agree that on Oct. 3, 12 U.S. Special Forces and 30 Nigeriens left
Niamey and headed n The Pentagon said 26 similar patrols had taken place in the
area in the past six months without enemy contact.
After that, the stories
of the two sides diverge.
“It was an intelligence
mission but also a mission of an operational nature,” Niger Interior Minister
Mohamed Bazoum told Reuters in an interview.
“It was in a zone that
was considered safe, not enemy territory.”
Specifically, the
mission aimed to detain and question a suspected recruiter for Islamic State in
the Greater Sahara, an Islamic State affiliate, according to a senior Nigerien
security source with knowledge of the operation and two mid-level government
sources, all of whom declined to be named.
The senior source said
the mission was thought low enough risk that they had no armoured vehicles or
body armour.
U.S. officials
vehemently contradict this account.
“The service members
involved in this unfortunate incident were unequivocally not directed to do a
‘kill or capture mission’.
“They were on a
reconnaissance mission,” the Pentagon said in statement sent to Reuters on
Thursday.
The Pentagon added that
it would provide more details once the investigation is complete.
All three Nigerien
sources said the target was a mid-ranking commander called Doundou Chefou who
was recruiting disgruntled youths from the Fulani ethnic group along Niger-Mali
border.
A Nigerien sources said
that Chefou commanded Islamic State fighters affiliated to the movement led by
an Arabic-speaking north African called Adnan Al-Sahrawi.
According to the senior
Nigerien security official, the team initially sought Chefou out near a remote
border village on Oct. 3.
He said they found a
militant camp there but no fighters.
The official said after
that, Nigerien intelligence officials on the team received fresh orders from
their headquarters to pursue him in the village of Tongo Tongo, so they stayed
the night nearby.
Three U.S. officials,
speaking on condition of anonymity, said that while it is true the team was
given an additional task mid-mission, it was never in pursuit of a militant.
The U.S. officials said
their soldiers were asked to work with the Nigerien troops to be on standby to
help a second U.S. military team whose mission was indeed to pursue a militant.
That mission was called
off, however.
It is unclear when or
why.
“Did the mission
change? That’s one of the questions being asked. I can’t tell you definitively
the answer to that question,” Gen. Joseph Dunford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, said in October.
The U.S. officials said
the first team was asked to gather intelligence on the militant.
The Americans could do
this under U.S. military rules of engagement that allow American forces to
accompany partner forces only when the chances of enemy contact are “unlikely.”
Asked about the
existence of a second mission, none of the Nigerien sources were aware of it.
U.S. and Nigerien
officials agree the team was ambushed after they met local leaders in Tongo
Tongo on Oct. 4.
One of the Nigerien
government sources said the militants first came with just a few gunmen with
AK47s on motorbikes to slow them down, and later brought out heavier 12.7mm
machine guns, sniper rifles and rocket-propelled grenades.
That might explain why
the team took an hour to call for help, one of the issues that has most
disturbed senior Pentagon officials, because the initial attack may have only
involved light arms.
A few minutes after the
team called for air support, a surveillance drone appeared, providing a live
feed, but it took another hour before French military aircraft arrived.
Diplomatic sources said
they were unable to drop bombs because of how close the fighting was.
One U.S. official said
at least some of the four U.S. soldiers killed were then separated from the
convoy.
They included Sgt.
David Johnson, whose body was not recovered for two days.
It is unclear why.
It is unlikely the U.S.
will back away from Niger because of its central location in the Sahel and
because of the proliferation of militant groups around it, including Nigeria’s
Islamic State-linked Boko Haram and al-Qaeda affiliates.
Several current and
former U.S. officials with Africa experience said they expected U.S. military
focus on the Sahel to grow, not decrease.
Retired general Donald
Bolduc, who led U.S. special operations in Africa until June, said the military
should retain a small “footprint” in Africa but needed more intelligence and
surveillance resources and medical and air support.
He said while the most
assets have gone to the Middle East and Afghanistan, “there needs to be … a
different perspective on how we allocate the resources between theatres.”
He expressed surprise
at the idea that the unit which was ambushed had been redirected to focus on a
militant leader.
Senior militant leaders
are normally well protected, Bolduc said, with rings of security guards and
layers of militants who communicate with one another via radio.
“I‘m as confused about
it as you are,” he said. “That’s not how it’s done.
The resources and
planning didn’t seem to be there for that kind of operation.”
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